By Gareth Gaskell
This publication collects jointly the paintings of specialists from quite a lot of backgrounds, yet who percentage the need to appreciate how the human mind represents phrases. the focal point is on notice varieties and morphemes, their nature and constitution, the techniques working at the speech enter to achieve entry to lexical representations, the modelling and acquisition of those procedures, and at the neural underpinnings of lexical illustration and strategy.
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Additional resources for Lexical Representation: A Multidisciplinary Approach
To make matters even worse, there is no indication of a suffix-suffix inhibition effect in masked visual priming or in visual priming with fully visible primes (Rastle et al. 2000). Particularly if this latter task is thought to reflect the same lexical representations as are tested in cross-modal priming, then similar competitive processes would have been expected despite the fact that primes were visual. Finally, the recent article by Gonnerman et al. (2007) reported robust cross-modal priming effects for suffixed-suffixed pairs, thus failing to replicate Marslen-Wilson et al.
On this theory, a novel pseudoword like walkify would first be decomposed into its morphemic constituents during an ‘access’ stage of processing, but would then fail at a licensing stage ( –ify cannot attach to verbs). Only those decompositions for which the licensing process is successful go on to a ‘combination’ stage in which a lexical representation is computed from the syntactic and semantic properties of its morphemes. Presumably, masked primes would be expected to activate representations only at the access stage of processing (in which both corner and hunter would be decomposed), whereas primes exposed for a longer duration would be expected to activate representations at the combination stage of processing (in which lexical representations are computed only for those combinations that pass the licensing stage).
Specifically, McClelland et al. suggested that information is initially represented in the hippocampus, and that it is then slowly fed into the neocortex over time, particularly during sleep. The hippocampal representations do not need to The lexicon and phonetic categories 37 be in a system with the long-term structure that is subject to catastrophic interference because less information is kept there, and for a comparatively short time. It is worth noting that if the system is in fact organized in this fashion, then this is a very nice example of the CA/RP.