By Sam Cherribi
Sam Cherribi is a Moroccan Muslim who grew to become a naturalized Dutch citizen and member of the Dutch Parliament. during this e-book he attracts on his own stories with eu politics and media, vast fieldwork in Dutch mosques, and interviews with imams. in recent times, the Netherlands has been swept by means of a similar forces of switch that experience swept the remainder of Europe - the consolidation of the ecu Union, a big inflow of Muslim immigrants and the emerging voice of Islamic fundamentalism. Cherribi argues that this small kingdom has amplified those forces, supplying an invaluable lens during which to check traits in all of Europe. The portents are troubling, he notes, as evidenced by means of the murders of journalist Pim Fortuyn and filmmaker Theo Van Gogh, and then riots broke out, mosques have been burned, and Muslims have been brazenly reviled by means of the general public and the media. Cherribi was once voted out of Parliament within the anti-migrant fervor that engulfed the Netherlands after those murders and prefer many different Dutch Muslims he emigrated to the USA. in retrospect on those occasions, and bringing to endure his abilities and coaching as a sociologist, Cherribi offers a useful account of 1 country's come across with essentially the most troubling tendencies of our instances.
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Extra info for In the House of War: Dutch Islam Observed (Religion and Global Politics)
Moroccan populations tend to cluster in larger metropolitan areas, with the exception of Spain and Italy, where they are found working in rural areas as agricultural laborers and small business entrepreneurs. There are Moroccan or North African enclaves in many major European cities, including Barcelona, London, Málaga, Paris, Marseilles, Lyon, Hamburg, Frankfurt, Brussels, Antwerp, Gouda, Enschede, The Hague, and Amsterdam. These enclaves include Moroccan grocery stores, bakeries, butchers, restaurants, other small businesses, and banks headquartered in Morocco, as well as Moroccan mosques.
This last and most exclusive tier is particularly difﬁcult for most Muslim immigrants because they lack the linguistic ability to access advanced education or high culture. There are exceptions, but like all exceptions, they serve only to draw attention to the rule. Therefore, understanding how Muslim guest workers and their children view themselves and the world will enable us to understand how they draw different 32 IN THE HOUSE OF WAR boundaries among themselves as a group, within their group, and also between themselves and the rest of the society.
The Moroccan, Turkish, Algerian, and Tunisian governments were terriﬁed that leftist factions living in exile in Europe would inﬂuence migrant communities and that their doctrines would ﬁnd their way back into the Islamic crescent, along with ﬁnancing provided by paychecks earned in European jobs. To keep this from happening, the North African governments formed amicales, groups charged with the responsibility of controlling the migrants—spying on them in Europe and, if the spying revealed possible leftist contacts, threatening them and their families each summer when they came home.