By Harold Nicolson
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1997), who was referred to in the Der Spiegel article, has become a polemical name after the publication of his book on the German-Turkish youth, Verlockender Fundamentalismus (Enticing Fundamentalism), in which he concluded that it is the Turks who are not tempted to integrate and incorporate themselves into the system. 15 The process of ‘othering’ of migrants in public imagery is also apparent in the ‘statisticalising’ of illegal migrants through the use of a variety of numerical technologies such as statistics, population, counts, demographic trends, economic forecasts, and the like.
While cultural diversity is usually undermined, citizenship is underlined. Thus, politically defined citizenship has always had a primary place over culture-specific nationality. The dominance of citizenship over nationality, of political over ethno-cultural conceptions of nationhood, is perhaps best expressed in one of the revolutionary French parliamentarians, Jean Lambert Tallien’s remark in the spring of 1795: ‘the only foreigners in France are bad citizens’ (Cited in Azimi, 1988: 702). However, civilisational discourse has always been implicitly embedded in the French republican model.
Belgium was a country of immigration in the nineteenth century. At the end of the century, the Belgian mining industry started to recruit foreign labour, mainly from Poland, Italy, Hungary, Morocco, Algeria and the Balkans. The first wave of labour migration to Belgium stopped in 1929 due to the economic crisis. The second wave of migration started in the aftermath of World War II and lasted until the global economic crisis of 1974. 5 million. Since 1993, Belgium has been divided into three linguistic and cultural communities (Flemish-speaking, French-speaking and a very small German-speaking community) and into three geographical, political, administrative and economic regions (Flanders, Wallonia and Brussels).