American, Chinese, and Japanese perspectives on wartime by Akira Iriye, Warren I. Cohen

By Akira Iriye, Warren I. Cohen

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6 Castle had spent only a few months as ambassador to Japan, but he returned with the conviction that Japanese preeminence in East Asia was both inevitable and in the interest of the United States. Japan would maintain order and stop bolshevism. He found Japanese interventions in China justifiable on the grounds that extensive Japanese holdings there required protection against the Communist menace, although his conception of the "Communist" menace seemed to include any attempt by the Chinese to assert themselves and regain the attributes of sovereignty.

WARREN COHEN is a professor of American diplomatic history at Michigan State University and director of its Asian Studies Center. He has written extensively on American-Asian relations. His publications include America's Response to China: An Interpretative History of Sino-American Relations, rev. ed. (New York, 1980), and Empire without Tears: America's Foreign Relations, 1921-1933 (New York, 1987). WALDO HEINRICHS, a professor of American diplomatic history at Temple University, is a leading scholar of American-Japanese relations during the 1930s and 1940s.

Early in Page 8 November, Hoover suggested refusing to recognize the fruits of Japanese aggression, an idea that in various forms had occurred to others in and out of the administration. No action was taken. 10 Hope persisted in Washington that somehow Shidehara would prevail and the United States would not have to act, but as November rolled on, so did the Japanese army in Manchuria. Increasingly, Stimson was forced to recognize that neither the Nine Power Treaty nor the Kellogg-Briand Pact had restrained Japan and that the obligations of membership in the League had meant nothing.

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